By Laurent / February 4, 2025
On January 30, 2019, during a raid on the headquarters of the Congolese Labor Party (PCT), Mr. Pierre Ngolo, the PCT’s Secretary General and a prominent figure in the regime, announced plans to commemorate the 40th anniversary of President Denis Sassou Nguesso’s tenure in power with grand celebrations.
The recent celebration marking President Denis Sassou Nguesso’s 40-year tenure has been widely criticized as a sacrilegious display of indecency and cynicism. In a nation grappling with economic insolvency, where citizens endure poverty and deprivation, this event stands in stark contrast to the prevailing hardships. The political landscape is marred by nepotism, ethnocentrism, theft, corruption, and mediocrity.
Former Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries have transformed into opportunistic social democrats, adapting to the prevailing political climate. This eclectic political clientele has embraced “tropical Freemasonry,” viewing it as a means for social ascension, promotion, and navigating ethical ambiguities. However, this affiliation has also led to a proliferation of intrigues and power struggles.
The intertwining of Freemasonry with political ambitions has raised concerns about its influence on public life. In Congo-Brazzaville, both former President Denis Sassou Nguesso and his successor Pascal Lissouba have been associated with Freemasonry, belonging to different lodges. This convergence of fraternal affiliations and political power has sparked debates about the ethical implications and the true intentions behind such associations.
In summary, the leader once hailed as “the man of concrete actions” has transformed into “the permanent destroyer.” The slogan “everything for the people and nothing but for the people” now rings hollow, replaced by “everything for the clan and nothing but for the thieves,” epitomizing a flagrant ethnocentric deception.
At least three generations of Congolese citizens have suffered under the primitive governance of the PCT-elephant.
To understand how Denis Sassou Nguesso ascended to power, it’s essential to revisit the events leading up to his rise. Marien Ngouabi, who became president in 1969, played a pivotal role in shaping the political landscape. Ngouabi’s leadership was characterized by efforts to strengthen the party and establish a unified political leadership. His tenure was marked by significant political struggles within the party, which ultimately paved the way for Sassou Nguesso’s emergence as a key political figure.
The regime’s leadership was consolidated among five “comrades” entrusted with organizing the PCT’s third congress, dubbed the congress of “Radicalization.” On December 12, 1975, following the Central Committee’s session, the Political Bureau resigned, and a “Special Revolutionary Staff” comprising these five members temporarily assumed control until the forthcoming Extraordinary Congress. The staff included:
Marien Ngouabi: President
Jean-Pierre Thystère Tchicaya: Responsible for the Party’s Permanence
Louis-Sylvain Ngoma: Prime Minister, Head of Government, and Responsible for Planning
Denis Sassou Nguesso: Responsible for Defense and Security
Jean-Pierre Ngombe: Responsible for Education, Propaganda, and Information
This period marked the onset of internal power struggles, culminating in the assassination of President Marien Ngouabi on March 18, 1977. The official account attributes his death to a commando group led by Captain Barthélemy Kikadidi. However, some sources suggest possible involvement of military officers within Ngouabi’s inner circle.
In the aftermath, the Military Committee of the Party (CMP), led by Major Denis Sassou Nguesso, assumed interim governance, with Colonel Joachim Yhombi-Opango serving as Head of State. Former President Alphonse Massamba-Debat and Prime Minister Pascal Lissouba were arrested, tried, and Massamba-Debat was executed on March 25, 1977.
Earlier, in March 1976, President Ngouabi’s helicopter crashed in northern Congo, sparking national concern. After five days without communication, Ngouabi reappeared, but the incident intensified existing political tensions.
In early March 1977, Massamba-Debat advised Ngouabi to resign due to the country’s dire situation. Subsequently, Ngouabi met with Massamba-Debat and his wife, agreeing on a republican pact aimed at national unity and economic recovery. A few days later, during a meeting organized by the URFC, Ngouabi harshly criticized French imperialism for the nation’s economic woes, stating, “When your country is dirty and lacks lasting peace, you can only restore its cleanliness and unity by washing it with your blood.”
On the fateful day of March 18, 1977, the assassination of President Commander Marien Ngouabi, along with the tragic deaths of former President Alphonse Massamba Débat and Cardinal Emile Biayenda over the following week, marked an unspeakable, irreparable, and immeasurable loss—an “absolute sacrilege” committed in the Congo.
The members of the Special Revolutionary General Staff, as well as the future Military Committee of the PCT, bear full responsibility for these calculated assassinations, particularly Commander Denis Sassou Nguesso, who was in charge of defense and security.
This event signifies the first stage of Denis Sassou Nguesso’s power grab, an inaugural act in the creation of the PCT-Elephant, and marks the beginning of the political manipulation that would shape the future of Congo-Brazzaville. It was the start of the first historical conflict between the PCT and the Congolese people.
Following the death of President Marien Ngouabi on March 18, the Central Committee of the Congolese Labor Party established the “Military Committee of the Party” (CMP) by Act No. 005/PCT on March 19, 1977, which led to the dissolution of the Special Revolutionary General Staff.
Upon assuming leadership of the Military Committee of the Party (CMP) and, by extension, the state, Joachim Yhombi-Opango initiated reforms aimed at restructuring the state apparatus to address the ongoing crisis and rejuvenate the economy. Central to his strategy was the “Determining Trilogy”—a policy asserting that the Party directs the State. This approach integrated the Party, the Union, and Management in overseeing state enterprises. Consequently, advancement within the business sector often hinged more on party affiliation than professional expertise, leading to diminished productivity and economic inefficiencies.
Under Yhombi-Opango’s administration, there was a gradual shift towards meritocracy, rigor, and excellence as governance standards. However, those implicated in the assassination of President Marien Ngouabi perceived these reforms as threats to their entrenched privileges within the party and mass organizations. This perception galvanized them to mobilize, aiming to reclaim their influence and prevent the erosion of their benefits. This internal power struggle set the stage for further political upheavals in the nation’s history.
The Confederation of Congolese Trade Unions (CSC), aligned with the PCT and supported by segments of the Union of Young Workers of Congo (UJSC), initiated a general strike demanding the reinstatement of the Central Committee. Diplomatically, under Joachim Yhombi-Opango, efforts were made to loosen external constraints on the Congo, including renegotiating oil contracts. He also pursued legal action against France in international courts concerning the sabotage of the Holle (Tchitondi) potash mines, challenging the interests of Jacques Foccart’s Françafrique networks
Another initiative, albeit controversial in its execution, involved reclaiming retail trade from foreign, particularly West African (BCM), control. Despite Yhombi-Opango’s intentions to rejuvenate the national economy, his tenure was marred by radical Stalinist trials following President Marien Ngouabi’s assassination. These trials, based on expedited investigations and subjective reasoning rooted in ethnic biases, led to the unjust condemnation of innocents. The denial of presidential pardons further tainted Yhombi-Opango’s administration.
The PCT-Elephant, born from fears regarding the implementation of the December 12, 1975, declaration, solidified its initial victory with Ngouabi’s assassination and was poised to seize full power by 1979. On February 5, 1979, a palace coup orchestrated by Denis Sassou Nguesso marked the triumph of cunning, conspiracy, mediocrity, ethnocentrism, and waste, reshaping the nation’s political landscape.
In January 1979, the Military Committee of the Congolese Party of Labour (PCT) convened in Brazzaville under General Jacques Joachim Yhomby-Opango. Following this meeting, the Committee called for an Extraordinary Session of the PCT’s Central Committee on February 5, 1979, to prepare for the upcoming Ordinary Congress scheduled for December 1979.
Commander Denis Sassou Nguesso leveraged his influence within both the party and security forces to orchestrate a campaign against Yhomby-Opango. This campaign included propaganda efforts by former students from the USSR, GDR, Cuba, and Romania, aiming to discredit Yhomby-Opango. Various factions, including the army, the CSC union, the UJSC youth organization, and women’s groups, participated in these efforts. Yhomby-Opango and his supporters were labeled as proponents of a “liquidationist right-wing line,” suggesting a bourgeois agenda to dismantle the PCT. The media, particularly radio broadcasts led by journalist Ibouloumoukoué, played a role in spreading these narratives.
The campaign against Yhomby-Opango involved personal attacks, including unfounded rumors about his family and lifestyle, reminiscent of Stalinist tactics learned from Eastern bloc countries. Faced with the prospect of violence and bloodshed, General Yhomby-Opango chose not to engage in armed conflict. This decision aligns with the actions of previous leaders like Fulbert Youlou and Alphonse Massamba-Débat, who also relinquished power without resistance. In Poto-Poto, this choice spared many lives, averting imminent confrontation.
After 40 years under Sassou Nguesso’s rule and the dominance of the PCT, significant disparities persist. A small fraction of the population controls the majority of national wealth, while many others endure poverty. Public services, including education and healthcare, are in decline. The military, intended to serve national interests, has been repurposed for partisan and tribal agendas. The state’s resources have been mismanaged, leading to substantial national debt and economic challenges. These conditions have driven many citizens to seek solace in religion, highlighting a pervasive sense of despair. The state’s transformation into a “family grocery store” or a mafia-ruled “giant casino” underscores the entrenched corruption and nepotism that continue to plague the nation to this day.